Economics: A New Foundation and a New Scientific Revolution

 

Many people have recognized fundamental flaws in neoclassical economics and have called for a new foundation for economic theory. In this newsletter, we will present such a new foundation.

 

All systems, living or not, follow physical laws. Any living system has to satisfy an additional economic principle: For an organism or organization to be viable, its cost in extracting resources from the environment, which it needs to maintain itself, has to be lower than the value of the resources obtained. From physical laws and economic principle, we derive a mathematical theory on the behavior of social and biological systems. It provides a simpler and more consistent description of the world than established theories. The theory was systematically presented in my 2005 book, The Physical Foundation of Economics: An Analytical Thermodynamic Theory.

 

Conceptually, this new economic theory is a dynamic non-equilibrium theory, while the theoretical foundation of neoclassical economics is the general equilibrium theory. It has been recognized for a long time that the general equilibrium theory does not describe reality accurately and hence is a temporary solution before a dynamic non-equilibrium theory could be developed. More than half century ago, Joseph Schumpeter made the following comments about the general equilibrium theory and predicted the emergence of a dynamic economic theory in the future: 

Now, an observer fresh from Mars might excusably think that the human mind, inspired by experience, would start analysis with the relatively concrete and then, as more subtle relations reveal themselves, proceed to the relatively abstract, that is to say, to start from dynamic relations and then proceed to working out the static ones. But this has not been so in any field of scientific endeavor whatsoever: always static theory has historically preceded dynamic theory and the reasons for this seem to be as obvious as they are sound --- static theory is much simpler to work out; its propositions are easier to prove; and it seems closer to (logical) essentials. The history of economic analysis is no exception.

So a dynamic non-equilibrium theory is a natural continuation of the general equilibrium theory. The mathematical techniques for a non-equilibrium theory have been available for a long time. But the development of a new foundation of economic theory could have been delayed by many concerns, which may be grouped into three categories. First, human beings have free will. Ideas keep changing. We are emotional and irrational. So it is unlikely that human behaviors can be described by a simple mathematical theory even though the general equilibrium theory is seriously flawed. Second, economic values are determined by marginal utility. But utilities are highly subjective. So a quantitative theory of value is unlikely to develop. Third, the world is complex and imperfect. It seems impossible to develop a simple and universal theory about social and biological systems. To answer these questions, we have developed a theory of mind, a theory of value and a theory of production. In this issue we will briefly introduce each part of the theory and provide some references with more detailed discussions. 

 

To extract resources from the environment, organisms must be able to first identify those resources. While the forms of resources are diverse, most resources can be understood from a unifying principle. A system has a tendency to move from a less probable state to a more probable state. This tendency of directional movement is what drives, among other things, living organisms.  Intuitively, resources are something that is of low probability, or scarce. The measure of probability of a system is called entropy in physics. In a formal language, systems move from low entropy state to high entropy state. This is the second law of thermodynamics. The second law is often understood from an equilibrium perspective, rendering entropy an image of waste and death. However, from the non-equilibrium perspective, the entropy flow, which is manifested as heat flow, light flow, electricity flow, water flow and many other forms, is the fountain of life. Since all living organisms need to tap into the entropy flow from the environment for survival, it is inevitable that the mind, including the human mind, is evolved to identify entropy as the most important concept. This is why information, which we collect for our survival, is represented mathematically by the entropy function.

 

To identify resources, the human mind must be able to receive external signals and interpret them properly. In other words, the mind is a communication system with its coding system shaped by the need to recognize resource at low cost. With this basic understanding, many concrete results about the state of the human mind can be derived as natural extensions of standard results from information theory and statistical mechanics. From the information theory, the ability to receive information depends on the correlation between the source of information and the receiver. To better receive information, our mind is evolved to store data and preferences so we can receive relevant information at low cost. At the same time, the stored data and preferences also generate bias in information processing.

 

A detailed discussion of the theory of mind can be found in Chapter One of my book. A more recent update on part of the theory can be found at The Physical Foundation of the Mind.

 

This new and integrated theory of information and mind provides a unified understanding of many psychological patterns documented in literature. This theory is especially helpful in providing a simple and coherent understanding of many of the difficult problems in the field of behavioral finance. A detailed discussion on the application of the theory of information to understand the main patterns in security markets and the trading behaviors of the market participants can be found at The Informational Theory of Investment: A Comparison with Behavioral Theories.

 

Human beings, as individuals, require mostly physical assets. We eat bread, live in a house, drive a car. But our social interactions are chiefly regulated by economic values instead of the physical values of different commodities. How are economic values related to physical values? Currently, there are two theories of value in mainstream economics. The first is the scarcity theory of value. This theory is taught in most economics courses.  But it is not a mathematical theory. The second is the marginal utility theory of value. This is a mathematical theory used in most research papers. But it does not provide a measurable quantity for value. From the scarcity theory of value, we derive that the only mathematical formula to represent value, as a function of scarcity, is the entropy function. This is parallel to the case where the only mathematical formula to represent information, as a function of probability, is the entropy function. The entropy theory of value offers a unified understanding of physical resources, information and economic value. It provides a quantitative measure of value that is highly consistent with our intuitive understanding. The theory of value, as a non-equilibrium theory, provides a simple mathematical theory to describe the dynamics of competition and product life cycles. Just like the entropy theory of information provided a clear understanding of the fundamental problems in communication theory, the entropy theory of value provides clear understanding of the fundamental problems in social activities. While this quantitative theory of value is a formalization of scarcity theory of value, it does not suggest that the marginal utility theory is wrong. In recent years, there has been active research about human preferences and utilities from an evolutionary perspective, which indicates that human preferences are far from arbitrary. It is likely that the same quantitative theory of value can be derived from a refined utility theory of value.

 

The idea of an entropy theory of value, or information theory of value, had been explored and abandoned by many researchers. In my book, we discussed many of the conceptual difficulties and how they are resolved. Here, we will give only one example. In an often cited passage, Kenneth Arrow wrote, “the well-known Shannon measure which has been so useful in communications engineering is not in general appropriate for economic analysis because it gives no weight to the value of the information. If beforehand a large manufacturer regards it as equally likely whether the price of his product will go up or down, then learning which is true conveys no more information, in the Shannon sense, than observing the toss of a fair coin”. The Shannon measure actually carries weight of information. For example, N symbols with identical Shannon measure carry N times more information than a single symbol. Similarly, the value of the information about the future price is higher to a large manufacturer than to a small manufacturer. Furthermore, in physics, entropy is an extensive instead of an intensive quantity. In economic theory, as well as in other fields of learning, many statements containing simple mistakes, have been cited repeatedly to reject new ideas simply because of the prominence of their authors.  

 

A detailed discussion of the theory of value can be found in Chapter Two of my book.

 

For a business to be viable, its revenue has to be higher than its cost. For a species to be viable, on average each member of that species has to bring up more than one member of the next generation to maturity.   While the principle is very simple, business and evolutionary strategies can be very complex. Some animals are large; others are small. Some live a long life; others have a very short lifespan. Some thrive in volatile environments; others dominate in stable environments. Some give birth to many offspring and most do not make it to maturity, thus displaying a high discount rate; others give birth to very few offspring and take good care of them, thereby displaying a low discount rate. Ecologists and economists have done a lot of research to uncover some general patterns from seemingly infinitely complex evolutionary and business strategies. Can we derive these patterns from a mathematical theory?

 

To develop the production theory, we will ask ourselves two simple questions. What are the most fundamental properties of organisms and organizations and how can we represent them mathematically? First, organisms and organizations need to obtain resources from the environment to compensate for the continuous diffusion of resources required to maintain various functions. This can be represented mathematically by lognormal processes, which contain both a growth term and a dissipation term.  Second, to obtain resources, organisms and organizations have to have special structures that incur fixed cost. For example, to transform energy from water flow into electric energy, we have to build a dam; to transform solar energy to chemical energy, plants have evolved elaborate photosynthesis systems that are coded into their genes. Not only do organisms and organizations incur fixed costs in extracting external resources, they also experience variable costs. For a system to be viable, the total cost of extracting resources has to be less than the value of resources extracted, or the total cost of operation has to be less than the total revenue.  Lowering variable cost generally requires higher fixed cost. Fixed cost is largely determined by the structure of an organism or an organization. Variable cost is a function of the fixed cost, product value and other parameters, such as the lifespan of the organisms or the duration of projects uncertainty about external and internal environments and discount rates for an animal, a human, or for an organization.

 

From the above considerations, we derive the thermodynamic equation that variable cost of a production system should satisfy. We set the initial condition of the equation so that total cost is equal to the amount of resource extracted or revenue generated. Since an organism or a project has a finite life span, we integrate the equation over the duration of the project to obtain a formula of variable cost as a mathematical function of product value, fixed cost, uncertainty, discount rate and project duration. From this formula of variable cost, together with fixed cost and volume of output, we can compute and analyze the returns and profits of different production systems under various kinds of environment in a simple and systematic way.   The results are highly consistent with the empirical evidences obtained from the vast amount of literature in economics and biology. Furthermore, by putting major factors of production into a compact mathematical model, the theory provides precise insights about the tradeoffs and constraints of various business or evolutionary strategies that are often lost in intuitive thinking.

 

A detailed discussion of the theory of production can be found at  The Economy of Social and Biological Systems: A Physical Theory. The same theory, written from the finance perspective, can be found at An Analytical Theory of Project Investment: A Comparison with Real Option Theory.  

 

Our theory provides a unified description of social and biological systems from the same economic principle. Many people observe striking parallels between social and biological systems. Yet it is often assumed that there is a fundamental difference between the two: genetic mutations are considered random while human behaviors are considered purposeful. This assumed chasm between social and biological systems limited the knowledge flow between social and biological sciences. However, the argument that genetic mutations are random while human behaviors are   purposeful confuses activities at different levels. Many animal behaviors are purpose driven and human biological evolutions are largely determined by genetic mutations as well. Furthermore, more precise observation shows that genetic mutations are not completely random. When, where and how fast genes mutate depends on many environmental factors. The regulation in genetic and epigenetic changes in organisms is highly directed to enhance their survival under different kinds of environments. Since a directed and informed change provides a higher rate of return than a complete random one, purposeful changes evolve both in social and biological systems. Therefore there is no reason to segregate the study of social systems from the rest of biological systems.

 

There are many advantages for such an integrated approach. Biological studies cover many more species over a much longer time period than social studies. Therefore principles derived from biological studies tend to be more general and more robust than those from social studies. For example, in a recent paper, Kenneth Arrow and others concluded from an empirical investigation that “genuine investment was positive in all the rich nations of the world and in many of the poorer nations as well”. This means that the current level of living standard in rich countries is sustainable. However, in most rich nations of the world and in some of the poorer nations as well, fertility rates have dropped far below the replacement rate for a prolonged period of time. From the biological theory, it is a clear indication that the current living standard at rich countries cannot be sustained by the amount of available resources. However, there is a time lag between the drop in fertility rate below the replacement level and the drop in economic output. The initial drop in fertility rate reduces the number of dependant children. Many more adults become available as labor forces. As a result, countries in demographic transition often enjoy a high level of growth in economic output. Since most economic observers focused on economic output alone, information implicit in demographic transitions is often ignored.

 

A detailed discussion about the relations among resources, technology and human societies can be found in Chapter Four of my book.

 

Government agencies often try to adjust one or several factors in economic activities, such as discount rate, to influence other factors in economic activities. However, the precise relations among different factors are not well understood in established economic theories. This is why the consequences of financial policies often surprise policy makers. In particular, government policies that are mainly beneficial when the costs of resource extraction are low may have the opposite effect when the costs of resource extraction become high and is increasing. Our analytical theory provides a more precise understanding of the relations of major factors in economic activities and the impacts of government policies. During most of the past several centuries, the costs of resource extraction remained low and the consumption of resources increased more or less unabated. However, many signs indicate that the age of cheap abundant resources is at its peak. 

 

An intuitive explanation of the impacts of monetary and fiscal policies, is provided in Cycles, Trends and Financial Crisis: Understanding the Impacts of Monetary Policies. Discount rate is at the center of many policy issues. The Nature of Discounting was written to provide a more detailed understanding of the relations between discount rate and other factors in economic activities.

 

This economic theory is derived from physical laws. At the same time, the concept of physical laws may be examined profitably from economic principles. Physical laws, which reflect our understanding of nature, are the products of the human mind. Mind, as a product of biological evolution, is subject to the economic principle that its cost must be lower than its benefit. This helps explain many things about our understanding of the world. We sometimes marvel at the generality of physical laws and "The Unreasonable Effectiveness of Mathematics". The physical world may contain many less general activities. But it would be uneconomical for the mind to develop capacities to detect isolated events. Indeed, human beings have only limited capacities to detect many frequently occurring events. Our eyes can detect only very narrow ranges of electromagnetic waves. We don’t have sense organs to detect electric fields, while some fish do. Our sense of smell is highly degenerated. Since it is costly to develop and maintain information processing capacity, only the most frequently occurring physical events that are most relevant to our survival will be detected by the human mind. Physical laws are so general because only the most general will be detected by our minds. Similarly, mathematics is so effective because only very general patterns in nature are summarized into mathematical structures by our mind. Otherwise, the cost of maintaining mathematical capacity would be greater than the benefits.

 

Some of the most fascinating and general physical laws, such as the least action principle, the maximum entropy principle and the conservation laws, are expressed as economic principles. Physics is sometimes called the economy of nature. This economic theory also provides a new way to understand physical phenomena. For example, physicists are often puzzled by the apparent tendency for biological systems to form complex structures, which seems to contradict the second law of thermodynamics. However, once we realize that systems of higher fixed cost provide higher returns in resource rich environments, this problem in non-equilibrium thermodynamics becomes easy to understand.

 

There has been a long tradition of exchange of ideas between economics and the natural sciences. Both Wallace and Darwin were influenced by Malthus’s population theory in formulating the theory of natural selection. Both Jevons and Walras, the main founders of neoclassical economics, were trained in science. “Jevons did so many things it is difficult to classify him by occupation… from examination of his other works we are inclined to list him as a physicist who wrote extensively on economics,” said Edwin Jaynes. More recently, Fischer Black made fundamental contributions to many areas of economics. Jack Treynor, who introduced the world of finance to Black, observed:

 

Fischer never took a course in either economics or finance, so he never learned the way you were supposed to do things. But that lack of training proved to be an advantage … since the traditional methods in those fields were better at producing academic careers than new knowledge. Fischer’s intellectual formation was instead in physics and mathematics, and his success in finance came from applying the methods of astrophysics. Lacking the ability to run controlled experiments on the stars, the astrophysist relies on careful observation and then imagination to find the simplicity underlying apparent complexity. In Fischer’s hands, the same habits of research turned out to be effective for producing new knowledge in finance.

 

Treynor’s observation illustrates the problem and promise in economic and finance research. The problem is that “the traditional methods in those fields were better at producing academic careers than new knowledge.” The promise is that the methods of physics “turned out to be effective for producing new knowledge in finance.” Our works show that through the lens of physical laws and economic principle, we can “find the simplicity underlying apparent complexity” in whole social systems. Richard West, a former student of mine, summarized the essence of the theory succinctly:

This book presents a theory that bridges the well ordered world of physics and the chaotic world of economics. It goes a long way in explaining why the world of human structures and systems are the way they are and suggests that, perhaps, the world is not as unpredictable, chaotic or complex as the dismal science would have us believe. This book contains a fundamental idea that leaves readers thinking, "that's so simple and obvious, I could of thought of that".

 

From this theory, social systems and biological systems are understood from the same economic principle; mind and matter are understood from the same physical laws; economy of human society is imbedded into the economy of nature. Behind all these integrations is a dynamic non-equilibrium theory that provides simple analytical results for many of the most important problems in our society. In other words, this is a very economical economic theory. However, we are only at the dawn of a new scientific revolution.  Once the high walls of disciplinary compartmentalization are torn down, we all will be freed from the tiny cells that have imprisoned our mind for so long. 

 

It has been almost ten years since the theory started circulating on the internet. My working papers on SSRN, most of which are about various applications of the theory, generated over twelve thousand download. People from all walks of life wrote to me about their enthusiasm to the new theory.  Some took extra effort to write reviews for my works. Editors from some new and open minded journals wrote to advise me to submit my works in their journals. I am very grateful for their kind help. However, despite the popularity of my works in the informal channels, the direction of research in economics, as well as in other academic fields, is governed through the formal channels, which are rarely open to revolutionary ideas, especially revolutionary ideas developed by the outsiders.  In How the Economists Got It Wrong, James Galbraith explained the working of the economics profession:

 

Leading active members of today's economics profession … have joined together into a kind of politburo for correct economic thinking. As a general rule--as one might expect from a gentleman's club--this has placed them on the wrong side of every important policy issue, and not just recently but for decades. They predict disaster where none occurs. They deny the possibility of events that then happen. …They are always surprised when something untoward (like a recession) actually occurs.

And when finally they sense that some position cannot be sustained, they do not re-examine their ideas. Instead, they simply change the subject. No one loses face, in this club, for having been wrong. No one is disinvited from presenting papers at later annual meetings. And still less is anyone from the outside invited in. Only the occasional top-insider-turned-dissident … can reliably count on getting a hearing. …

But self-absorption and consistent policy error are just two of the endemic problems of the leading American economists, and not even the most serious among them. The deeper problem is the nearly complete collapse of the prevailing economic theory--of the structure of thought that supports their policy ideas. It is a collapse so complete, so pervasive, that the profession can only deny it by refusing to discuss theoretical questions in the first place.

 

So I decide to write this newsletter to reach individuals directly. By doing so, we may work together to generate a public discussion about the foundation of economic theory at this critical moment of human history. I will continue to discuss various aspects of this theory in greater detail in later issues of this newsletter and will be very happy to discuss any specific questions you may have. I plan to combine the various issues of the newsletter into a book. Your advices on the writings are greatly appreciated. If you find the theory interesting, please pass the message to your colleagues, friends, students and family members.

 

Thanks for your kind attention.

 

Jing Chen

http://web.unbc.ca/~chenj/

 

This document can be found at

http://web.unbc.ca/~chenj/NL/1.htm

 

Acknowledgement: We thank Peter Ostrowski and Richard West for helpful revision and comments.